The "lost historical orientation"
About the great dangers for Mexico Andrés Manuel López Obrador and Carlos Salinas de Gortari
Independence, Reform, and Revolution, the three great social movements that took place in Mexico, social movements that made Mexico move from "a violent way" from one stage of things to another totally different, the Independence of a servitude to the Iberian Peninsula to autonomy and the attempt to build a properly Mexican state, the Reformation that establishes the secularity of public institutions and government, the separation between the State and the Church, and the end of the dictatorship of Santana, and the Revolution, a violent movement that puts an end to the dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz, and initiates the establishment of the Democratic System with the prejudice (fear) of the "no reelection", and the establishment of "the perfect dictatorship" PRI, and the System of Parties with the supremacy of a single Party.
At the end of the last century it was proved that the "perfect dictatorship" was not, and was interrupted by two attempts at democratic transition that failed, and left a frustration in the collective unconscious for all the expectations that they generated, giving way again to the emergence of a return to the PRI to the federal government, although it must be said, that Democratic Transition that was not consolidated, gave way to a more diverse and competitive political scenario, where the political forces had to rearrange themselves, and establish new rules of electoral play and policies, trying to strengthen democracy, and legitimize public power.
Paradoxically, the bankruptcy of the ruling system and the PRI dictatorship has to do with an internal struggle between power groups within the PRI, it is good to remember the Democratic Current led by Porfirio Muñoz Ledo, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, Ifigenia Martínez and Janitzio Mújica, among others, inadvertently, was Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who later joined the National Democratic Front, germ after the Democratic Revolution Party; to the express confession of Porfirio Muñoz Ledo, that Democratic Current "we only wanted to compete within the PRI" [1], nothing of that liberal aureolas of social demands and fight against injustice and the poor, only "wanted to compete" within the PRI by "Spaces of power", although indirectly influenced new democratic openings in the country, and the beginning of an incipient democratic system where new political expressions appeared and occupied spaces of citizen representation, but as it says, Porfirio Muñoz Ledo, " it was a historical contradiction, the dialectic of history: we won political pluralism, we lost the historical orientation of the country ".
The undeniable benefits that were made to the democratic system and political plurality were not reflected in the brought "social justice", some political scientists defend, that at least, Muños Ledo and Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas fought for liberal democracy and social justice, and exclude Andrés Manuel López Obrador given his pragmatisms and short-term skills. Muño Ledo's confession is lapidary, it leaves no room to think that the cleavage they represented within the PRI was due to deep ideological convictions, and not because they simply "wanted to compete within the PRI", that is, they fought for spaces of power confront the new stream of technocrats who were gradually arriving to the PRI and assuming control, and betting more on the mechanical inertia than on the ideology, of a Party specialized in maintaining control of power, and sustain it with instruments of group alienation , pyramids of complicity, and pernicious rhetoric, example of the latter, a classic of PRI rhetoric, the phrase of former President of Mexico José López Portillo: "I will defend the weight like a dog".
The process of decomposition of the PRI, and its uncertain future as a valid interlocutor of Mexican society, went unnoticed by the perfect machinery of complicity, which did not allow to realize how a substitution was even worse, the advent of a class of politicians "without political office ", at least that old PRI caste understood and practiced a balance between their private and public interests, these voracious and inexperienced youth hordes for governance, promoted by a group of PRI who wanted to perpetuate themselves in power, and thought that by retiring or at least removing the role of that "old class" PRI, they could achieve it, that's how we saw during the present PRI administration, during the presidency that runs from Peña Nieto, the arrival of the "generational relay" that, unfortunately for the PRI, has finished its members with serious legal problems due to corruption.
Veracruz was not exempt from this deadly relief, and we saw how a horde of improvised and ill-prepared youths came to public responsibilities, from the governorship of the state, municipal presidencies, federal and local councils, and government officials. Simple spectators the old political class that today is intended to erect in "critical current trasnochada" of the PRI, between those, although it is still young, the one that today proclaims itself candidate to the governorship of the State, they were limited to follow the perverse game fidelista, main precursor of that mortal "generational relay".
The problem in Veracruz is not that the PRI has been disfigured and gradually cease to be a valid interlocutor of the Veracruz society, but this apocalyptic "PRI generational change" brought ungovernability, economic crisis, and the loss of certainty of the future of Veracruz. Our youth.
The origin is the same, EL PRI, Andrés Manuel López Obrador represents that legacy, of political practice as a simple struggle for power, the vulgar origin today Mexicans do not want to remember, and some very young people do not even know it. The PRI split in which AMLO participated was simply and simply "want to participate" in the struggle for power, and as they were not left, they formed their political current and their political party, before PRD, today MORENA, the resignation of the PRD from AMLO many place it as a betrayal and a protagónico eagerness, and like any good leader to impose his vision of reality, and seeing a strong opposition, what he did was leave the PRD and form his own party, today MORENA, where the The only one that commands and dictates the vision of reality is him. There is no Party and its Men, there is, a Man and his party. His acolytes (candidates and allies) come to zombies stammer the few phrases of their leader-messiah, "corruption", "fourth social transformation", without understanding their unconnected words, without understanding the role they play, are thrown as "the generational change" priista "to the spinning wheel of power, some as" the brand-new "jalapeño local deputies that without the least effort reach the local legislature of Xalapa and spend their legislative time without pain or glory, as well as the current candidate for the governorship of the state of Veracruz, Cuitláhuac García [2], that in his period as a federal deputy, representation that the jalapeños did not even know about his legislative production, because his time was spent doing "grilla" and participating in "the fourth social transformation of Mexico", before it was the famous "Juanito case" in the Federal District, a Frankenstein that escaped control of AMLO. We hope that your next Frankenstein can control and educate them.
Although many do not see it that way, the criticism that I make to the political scene in Mexico, to AMLO has to do with my concern to see how Mexican and Veracruzan society are emerging from silence to fall into another, they are transiting from a dogmatic majority to a messianic (fundamentalist) majority, and that does not realize that we can not hope that the public reality will change, but that there is no involvement of the whole Mexican society and the plurality of ideas and political forces, that AMLO is committed to intolerance and I have also experienced them personally, when publishing my texts I have never received a counterargument for the debate, but insults, diatribes, and threats, there is no use of reason, it is dogma, the new dogma of the new class politics. If we do not want to repeat the story, the citizen has to think that political participation does not end in suffrage, and that the construction of the new Mexico is not something for the professionals of politics, or a messiah, or a man. Exactly for that attitude of silence, for not thinking is what happened what happened. That irresponsible act of Mexican and Veracruz society can be observed in the Vote in Cascade that they promote, and this is irresponsible, and it must be said, the vote has to be reasoned, since Mexico needs more than ever, a debate of height, democratic strength, and a vitalization of its Party System, there is no other way, the transformation of Mexico is and will be of ALL not of a single man, nor of a single Party, and for them the differences should not be eliminated but incorporated in national interests.
A transformation without violence needs the agreement of all sectors of society, it is a short-sightedness and Obrador's rhetoric to say that its movement alone will be able to make the fourth social transformation of Mexico. A Peaceful Transformation requires the cooperation and good sense of all social sectors: political parties, youth, women, workers, academics, businessmen, peasants, civil organizations, religious, teachers, students, etc., etc. Recall the post-Franco Spain, where the Spaniards had to sit at the table of dialogue and agree, before the military boot or populist anarchism was imposed, the idea of society and institutions that Spain needed.
I think they did not know until later, and it was too late, because the rearrangement of the political forces within the PRI, mainly, the arrival to power within the PRI of Carlos Salinas de Gortari allowed to bury any idea of a historical change. The short-sightedness and narcissistic structure of Salinas made impossible the end of the postrevolutionary democratic dictatorship, and the emergence of a truly emancipatory and democratic political system.
Public institutions and power continued in the hands of the ruling class, although the arrival of technocrats to power did not guarantee them, as we can see later, an effective political orientation, I am thinking that with the democratic current the PRI lost its unique identity that he was authentically of the left, and a Faceless Party ensued, with a political pragmatism and a pernicious global vision.
Even the two attempts at democratic transition were eclipsed by that global, modern world, and the reality with all its harshness, the fall in the price of oil, and the lack of a strong internal economy, thwarted all democratic consolidation, that is, that if there was a new historical orientation but it was towards the mirage of the Global World that disfigured the face of Mexicanness, and affected the well-being of Mexicans, if the Global World had been successful, you would not be talking about democratic transitions or fourth social movements. But it was not like that. That run up against the wall (the false expectations of the global world), the lack of a strong identity of Mexicanness, a society alien to the responsibilities of the Res Publica (Public Thing), and the irresponsible and greedy oligarchy that was the only one benefited from this temporary short of good rains, resulted in the social crisis that Mexico is currently experiencing.
On many occasions I have been insisting that Mexico is in danger of moving from a silence to another silence, from a vacuum to an empty one, from a dictatorship of the majorities to another dictatorship of the majorities, of building history from the perspective of one man to build another story from the vision of one man. That is why I have pointed out that the two great enemies of the frustrated "historical orientation" that Muñoz Ledo alludes to, where Mexico should have traveled, have been Carlos Salinas de Gortari and Andrés Manuel López Obrador, and it is not a forced and biased assertion, it is not is, because both have claimed to have the only truth, one, with their global technocratic world, and the other, with their monothematic provincialism (corruption), each of them has subjected "democracy" to its personalism, to its narcissism, his arrogance, for both, the other, the different do not count. Going unnoticed both, that this "lost historical orientation" goes through strengthening democracy, tolerance of plurality and difference, and the updating of the party system, but even more so, it is necessary to be very clear about the idea of the world and society that We need to build all Mexicans.
The delayed democratic transition can slow down with the establishment of a "messianic dictatorship", mounted on a dogmatic majority that accelerates the obsolescence of the Party System and disrupts the incipient democracy, and I foresee unpredictable and darker times than the current ones.
I hope that one day our dead will hurt and the history of Mexico is one where we honor our dead, those who built our being as Mexicans. Our history was built with pain. Let's make an effort to travel through our streets, through our cities, through our public institutions, with respect and identity.
June 2018
[1] We wanted to compete within the PRI: Porfirio; 30 years of ... - Excelsior
www.excelsior.com.mx/nacional/2016/10/10/1121520
[2] https://formato7.com/2018/02/05/carta-urgente-a-amlo-y-a-la-sociedad-mexicana/
Independence, Reform, and Revolution, the three great social movements that took place in Mexico, social movements that made Mexico move from "a violent way" from one stage of things to another totally different, the Independence of a servitude to the Iberian Peninsula to autonomy and the attempt to build a properly Mexican state, the Reformation that establishes the secularity of public institutions and government, the separation between the State and the Church, and the end of the dictatorship of Santana, and the Revolution, a violent movement that puts an end to the dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz, and initiates the establishment of the Democratic System with the prejudice (fear) of the "no reelection", and the establishment of "the perfect dictatorship" PRI, and the System of Parties with the supremacy of a single Party.
At the end of the last century it was proved that the "perfect dictatorship" was not, and was interrupted by two attempts at democratic transition that failed, and left a frustration in the collective unconscious for all the expectations that they generated, giving way again to the emergence of a return to the PRI to the federal government, although it must be said, that Democratic Transition that was not consolidated, gave way to a more diverse and competitive political scenario, where the political forces had to rearrange themselves, and establish new rules of electoral play and policies, trying to strengthen democracy, and legitimize public power.
Paradoxically, the bankruptcy of the ruling system and the PRI dictatorship has to do with an internal struggle between power groups within the PRI, it is good to remember the Democratic Current led by Porfirio Muñoz Ledo, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, Ifigenia Martínez and Janitzio Mújica, among others, inadvertently, was Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who later joined the National Democratic Front, germ after the Democratic Revolution Party; to the express confession of Porfirio Muñoz Ledo, that Democratic Current "we only wanted to compete within the PRI" [1], nothing of that liberal aureolas of social demands and fight against injustice and the poor, only "wanted to compete" within the PRI by "Spaces of power", although indirectly influenced new democratic openings in the country, and the beginning of an incipient democratic system where new political expressions appeared and occupied spaces of citizen representation, but as it says, Porfirio Muñoz Ledo, " it was a historical contradiction, the dialectic of history: we won political pluralism, we lost the historical orientation of the country ".
The undeniable benefits that were made to the democratic system and political plurality were not reflected in the brought "social justice", some political scientists defend, that at least, Muños Ledo and Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas fought for liberal democracy and social justice, and exclude Andrés Manuel López Obrador given his pragmatisms and short-term skills. Muño Ledo's confession is lapidary, it leaves no room to think that the cleavage they represented within the PRI was due to deep ideological convictions, and not because they simply "wanted to compete within the PRI", that is, they fought for spaces of power confront the new stream of technocrats who were gradually arriving to the PRI and assuming control, and betting more on the mechanical inertia than on the ideology, of a Party specialized in maintaining control of power, and sustain it with instruments of group alienation , pyramids of complicity, and pernicious rhetoric, example of the latter, a classic of PRI rhetoric, the phrase of former President of Mexico José López Portillo: "I will defend the weight like a dog".
The process of decomposition of the PRI, and its uncertain future as a valid interlocutor of Mexican society, went unnoticed by the perfect machinery of complicity, which did not allow to realize how a substitution was even worse, the advent of a class of politicians "without political office ", at least that old PRI caste understood and practiced a balance between their private and public interests, these voracious and inexperienced youth hordes for governance, promoted by a group of PRI who wanted to perpetuate themselves in power, and thought that by retiring or at least removing the role of that "old class" PRI, they could achieve it, that's how we saw during the present PRI administration, during the presidency that runs from Peña Nieto, the arrival of the "generational relay" that, unfortunately for the PRI, has finished its members with serious legal problems due to corruption.
Veracruz was not exempt from this deadly relief, and we saw how a horde of improvised and ill-prepared youths came to public responsibilities, from the governorship of the state, municipal presidencies, federal and local councils, and government officials. Simple spectators the old political class that today is intended to erect in "critical current trasnochada" of the PRI, between those, although it is still young, the one that today proclaims itself candidate to the governorship of the State, they were limited to follow the perverse game fidelista, main precursor of that mortal "generational relay".
The problem in Veracruz is not that the PRI has been disfigured and gradually cease to be a valid interlocutor of the Veracruz society, but this apocalyptic "PRI generational change" brought ungovernability, economic crisis, and the loss of certainty of the future of Veracruz. Our youth.
The origin is the same, EL PRI, Andrés Manuel López Obrador represents that legacy, of political practice as a simple struggle for power, the vulgar origin today Mexicans do not want to remember, and some very young people do not even know it. The PRI split in which AMLO participated was simply and simply "want to participate" in the struggle for power, and as they were not left, they formed their political current and their political party, before PRD, today MORENA, the resignation of the PRD from AMLO many place it as a betrayal and a protagónico eagerness, and like any good leader to impose his vision of reality, and seeing a strong opposition, what he did was leave the PRD and form his own party, today MORENA, where the The only one that commands and dictates the vision of reality is him. There is no Party and its Men, there is, a Man and his party. His acolytes (candidates and allies) come to zombies stammer the few phrases of their leader-messiah, "corruption", "fourth social transformation", without understanding their unconnected words, without understanding the role they play, are thrown as "the generational change" priista "to the spinning wheel of power, some as" the brand-new "jalapeño local deputies that without the least effort reach the local legislature of Xalapa and spend their legislative time without pain or glory, as well as the current candidate for the governorship of the state of Veracruz, Cuitláhuac García [2], that in his period as a federal deputy, representation that the jalapeños did not even know about his legislative production, because his time was spent doing "grilla" and participating in "the fourth social transformation of Mexico", before it was the famous "Juanito case" in the Federal District, a Frankenstein that escaped control of AMLO. We hope that your next Frankenstein can control and educate them.
Although many do not see it that way, the criticism that I make to the political scene in Mexico, to AMLO has to do with my concern to see how Mexican and Veracruzan society are emerging from silence to fall into another, they are transiting from a dogmatic majority to a messianic (fundamentalist) majority, and that does not realize that we can not hope that the public reality will change, but that there is no involvement of the whole Mexican society and the plurality of ideas and political forces, that AMLO is committed to intolerance and I have also experienced them personally, when publishing my texts I have never received a counterargument for the debate, but insults, diatribes, and threats, there is no use of reason, it is dogma, the new dogma of the new class politics. If we do not want to repeat the story, the citizen has to think that political participation does not end in suffrage, and that the construction of the new Mexico is not something for the professionals of politics, or a messiah, or a man. Exactly for that attitude of silence, for not thinking is what happened what happened. That irresponsible act of Mexican and Veracruz society can be observed in the Vote in Cascade that they promote, and this is irresponsible, and it must be said, the vote has to be reasoned, since Mexico needs more than ever, a debate of height, democratic strength, and a vitalization of its Party System, there is no other way, the transformation of Mexico is and will be of ALL not of a single man, nor of a single Party, and for them the differences should not be eliminated but incorporated in national interests.
A transformation without violence needs the agreement of all sectors of society, it is a short-sightedness and Obrador's rhetoric to say that its movement alone will be able to make the fourth social transformation of Mexico. A Peaceful Transformation requires the cooperation and good sense of all social sectors: political parties, youth, women, workers, academics, businessmen, peasants, civil organizations, religious, teachers, students, etc., etc. Recall the post-Franco Spain, where the Spaniards had to sit at the table of dialogue and agree, before the military boot or populist anarchism was imposed, the idea of society and institutions that Spain needed.
I think they did not know until later, and it was too late, because the rearrangement of the political forces within the PRI, mainly, the arrival to power within the PRI of Carlos Salinas de Gortari allowed to bury any idea of a historical change. The short-sightedness and narcissistic structure of Salinas made impossible the end of the postrevolutionary democratic dictatorship, and the emergence of a truly emancipatory and democratic political system.
Public institutions and power continued in the hands of the ruling class, although the arrival of technocrats to power did not guarantee them, as we can see later, an effective political orientation, I am thinking that with the democratic current the PRI lost its unique identity that he was authentically of the left, and a Faceless Party ensued, with a political pragmatism and a pernicious global vision.
Even the two attempts at democratic transition were eclipsed by that global, modern world, and the reality with all its harshness, the fall in the price of oil, and the lack of a strong internal economy, thwarted all democratic consolidation, that is, that if there was a new historical orientation but it was towards the mirage of the Global World that disfigured the face of Mexicanness, and affected the well-being of Mexicans, if the Global World had been successful, you would not be talking about democratic transitions or fourth social movements. But it was not like that. That run up against the wall (the false expectations of the global world), the lack of a strong identity of Mexicanness, a society alien to the responsibilities of the Res Publica (Public Thing), and the irresponsible and greedy oligarchy that was the only one benefited from this temporary short of good rains, resulted in the social crisis that Mexico is currently experiencing.
On many occasions I have been insisting that Mexico is in danger of moving from a silence to another silence, from a vacuum to an empty one, from a dictatorship of the majorities to another dictatorship of the majorities, of building history from the perspective of one man to build another story from the vision of one man. That is why I have pointed out that the two great enemies of the frustrated "historical orientation" that Muñoz Ledo alludes to, where Mexico should have traveled, have been Carlos Salinas de Gortari and Andrés Manuel López Obrador, and it is not a forced and biased assertion, it is not is, because both have claimed to have the only truth, one, with their global technocratic world, and the other, with their monothematic provincialism (corruption), each of them has subjected "democracy" to its personalism, to its narcissism, his arrogance, for both, the other, the different do not count. Going unnoticed both, that this "lost historical orientation" goes through strengthening democracy, tolerance of plurality and difference, and the updating of the party system, but even more so, it is necessary to be very clear about the idea of the world and society that We need to build all Mexicans.
The delayed democratic transition can slow down with the establishment of a "messianic dictatorship", mounted on a dogmatic majority that accelerates the obsolescence of the Party System and disrupts the incipient democracy, and I foresee unpredictable and darker times than the current ones.
I hope that one day our dead will hurt and the history of Mexico is one where we honor our dead, those who built our being as Mexicans. Our history was built with pain. Let's make an effort to travel through our streets, through our cities, through our public institutions, with respect and identity.
June 2018
[1] We wanted to compete within the PRI: Porfirio; 30 years of ... - Excelsior
www.excelsior.com.mx/nacional/2016/10/10/1121520
[2] https://formato7.com/2018/02/05/carta-urgente-a-amlo-y-a-la-sociedad-mexicana/
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